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call for a NEW "Manhattan Project"



I thought this would be a good article to share with an International
Politics of Oil class. The writer here focuses on another reason, other than
what we only hear about in the news of Weapons of Mass Destruction, but it is
ofcourse oil. He explains how after 9-11 Saudi-US relations were hindered and
how for strategic needs control over Iraqi oil would be goal. You might ask
what is wrong with that, as I do myself, the writer states an intresting
question " But is oil worth spilling the blood of American soldiers and Iraqi
civilians who get caught in the way? This is the question Congress must ask if
we are to have an honest debate on the merits of invading Iraq." I guess I
wouldn't be as discouraged with the war efforts If these issues were being
addressed by the administration.
Here is my hippie suggestion; I call for another "Manhattan Project" I'm
talking about the best of the best scientist, and instead of making a bomb, we
figure out a new energy resource and let oil producing nations "drink it". I
know this is just a dream, however is it that far off, we can go to the moon,
create drugs such as viagra, but why can't we drive on Hydrogen cells. It cant
be that hard, and its better than going to war to reserve oil, until that
reserve is up. Here in Texas it makes me sick to see all of the soccer moms in
big ole gas guzzling suv's, I won't lie I drive a SUV as well, but Im not
proud. Well I am rambling, but I would like to here what you all think.

Thanks,

Scott Pollard


Oiling the Wheels of War
by MICHAEL T. KLARE


As the United States gears up for an invasion of Iraq, the great unanswered
question continues to be: Why is the Bush Administration so determined to
topple a government that has been effectively contained by American power for
eleven years?

The White House has offered several reasons to justify an attack on Iraq--
Saddam Hussein is on the verge of obtaining nuclear weapons; an invasion is
needed to prevent the transfer of nuclear, biological and chemical weapons to
international terrorists, and so on. Another factor, however, may be of equal
importance--oil. Two key concerns underlie the Administration's thinking:
First, the United States is becoming dangerously dependent on imported
petroleum to meet its daily energy requirements, and, second, Iraq possesses
the world's largest reserves of untapped petroleum after Saudi Arabia.

The problem of growing US dependence on imported petroleum was first raised in
the National Energy Policy Report, released by the White House in May 2001.
Known as "the Cheney report," after its principal author, the Vice President,
the document revealed that imported supplies accounted for half of US oil
consumption in 2000 and will jump to two-thirds in 2020. And despite all the
talk of drilling in Alaska, the report makes one thing clear: Most of America's
future oil supplies will have to come from the Persian Gulf countries, which
alone possess sufficient production potential to meet ever-growing US energy
requirements. Thus, the report calls on the White House to place a high
priority on increasing US access to Persian Gulf supplies.

Growing worries about the stability of Saudi Arabia, principal US supplier
there, heightened by revelations of Saudi extremists' involvement in the
September 11 terror attacks, have prompted US strategists to seek a backup
should future instability lead to a drop in Saudi oil production, which could
trigger a global recession. Some strategists have proposed Russia as a backup,
others the Caspian Sea states of Azerbaijan and Kazakhstan. But only one
country has the capacity to substantially increase oil production in the event
of a Saudi collapse: Iraq. With proven reserves of 112 billion barrels of oil
(compared with 49 billion for Russia and 15 billion for the Caspian states),
Iraq alone can serve as a backup for Saudi Arabia. At the same time, control
over Iraqi oil would allow US leaders to more easily ignore Saudi demands for
US action on behalf of the Palestinians and would weaken OPEC's control over
oil prices.

Iraq has yet another key attraction for US oil strategists: Whereas most of
Saudi Arabia's major fields have already been explored and claimed, Iraq
possesses vast areas of promising but unexplored hydrocarbon potential. These
fields may harbor the world's largest remaining reservoir of unmapped and
unclaimed petroleum--far exceeding the untapped fields in Alaska, Africa and
the Caspian. Whoever gains possession of these fields will exercise enormous
influence over the global energy markets of the twenty-first century.

Knowing this, and seeking allies for his confrontation with Washington, Saddam
Hussein has begun to parcel out concessions to the most promising fields to oil
firms in Europe, Russia and China. According to the International Energy
Agency's World Energy Outlook for 2001, he has already awarded such contracts
for fields with an estimated potential of 44 billion barrels of oil--an amount
equal to the total reserves of the United States, Canada and Norway (the number-
one European producer) combined. At current rates of about $25 per barrel, that
makes these contracts worth an estimated $1.1 trillion.

And here's the rub: The Iraqi dissidents chosen by Washington to lead the new
regime in Baghdad have threatened to cancel all contracts awarded to firms in
countries that fail to assist in the overthrow of Saddam. "We will review all
of these agreements," said the head of the London office of the Iraqi National
Congress (a dissident umbrella group backed by the United States), and those
signed by Saddam Hussein will be considered invalid unless endorsed by the new
government. Not surprisingly, US oil firms are expected to be awarded most of
the Hussein-era contracts voided by the successor regime.

This could prove to be the biggest oil grab in modern history, providing
hundreds of billions of dollars to US oil firms--many linked to senior
officials in the Bush Administration--and helping to avert a future energy
crunch in the United States. But is oil worth spilling the blood of American
soldiers and Iraqi civilians who get caught in the way? This is the question
Congress must ask if we are to have an honest debate on the merits of invading
Iraq.


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